By Richard Engel
While warfare broke out in Iraq, each significant U.S. community pulled its correspondents from the scene. regardless of the chance, Richard Engel stayed. As our tanks entered Baghdad in April 2003, he was once there, bringing the Iraqi battle into American houses as a stringer for ABC information. made up our minds to carry the total heart East tale, Engel moved to Cairo in 1996 after graduating from Stanford to profit 'street' Arabic. Then to dig even deeper into the complex powder-keg of the Israeli-Palestinian clash, he settled in Jerusalem.
Now as Iraq enters its post-war section and the Gulf sector keeps to dominate our nation's realization, an increasing number of american citizens will come to grasp and belief Richard Engel--especially in his present function as a correspondent for NBC Nightly information with Tom Brokaw. either analytical and anecdotal, this ebook leads us throughout the conflict in Iraq, dissecting a myriad of center East matters, all from the vantage aspect of somebody who's 'on the floor and within the streets' to get the genuine tale.
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Extra info for A Fist in the Hornet's Nest: On the Ground in Baghdad Before, During & After the War
But over the course of the establishment and consolidation of the Arab states (a process that occurred as well in the rest of the world), a small elite of wealthy landowners came to control much of the land, leaving the peasants and poorer classes with few tangible material assets. In part, the regimes used land reform to break the power of the notables and garner support from the peasantry, by breaking up larger estates and redistributing them to landless peasants and small landowners. In Egypt, for example, by 1952 about 1 percent of the population owned 70 percent of the arable land, while in Iraq at the time of the revolution about 2 percent of the population owned 68 percent of the land.
These elites were subject to the interventions of the British and French, but otherwise they dominated the political processes in their countries. The monarchs and the notables ensured that their (and their families’ and close supporters’) interests took precedence over the interests of the state or the population in general. Although the economies did not suffer terrible lapses, unemployment, immobile standards of living, and burgeoning populations combined to generate widespread dissatisfaction with the regimes.
Arab” socialism was designed to illustrate that the Arabs could form their own brand of socialism, reflecting Arab needs and identity. It was, as Nasser and Baath leaders described it, to be a system in which class distinctions did not exist and society was governed by social justice and equality. The new leaders believed that because the Arab states had to industrialize and develop rapidly in order to meet the revolutionary goals set out by the regimes and strengthen the states vis-à-vis external powers and Israel, state control over economic development would be the most appropriate and effective method of achieving these goals.